Friday, April 24


As Tamil Nadu heads into a high-voltage Assembly election across its 234 constituencies, the political atmosphere is once again filled with legacy battles, internal rivalries and strong emotional memories linked to “Amma” J Jayalalithaa.

This is not just another election in the state. It is widely seen as a make-or-break moment for key present and former AIADMK leaders like Edappadi K Palaniswami (EPS), O Panneerselvam (OPS), T T V Dhinakaran and V K Sasikala, all of whom continue to operate under the long shadow of Jayalalithaa’s legacy.

Read more: Can BJP blitz breach TMC citadel? The battle for Bengal begins

What is really at stake is not just electoral victory, but political survival, relevance, and in some cases, an attempt to rebuild ‘lost’ influence of Amma politics despite.

In Tamil Nadu politics, one thing has always been clear: leaders may split and shift, but public memory, especially around strong leaders like “Amma”, tends to last for a long time.

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Edappadi constituency: EPS’s strongest test yet in Tamil Nadu elections 2026

The Edappadi Assembly constituency in Salem district is one of the most closely watched battlegrounds in this election cycle. It remains the political stronghold of EPS, who is once again in the spotlight as AIADMK’s central face in the NDA alliance.
The contest here is shaping up as a classic three-cornered fight: AIADMK’s EPS, DMK’s C Kasi and NTK’s Priyadharshini from Naam Tamilar Katchi. While DMK is relying on its strong organisational base in Salem and NTK is trying to attract younger and anti-establishment voters, EPS still holds significant personal influence in the region.
For Edappadi K Palaniswami, the constituency is not just a seat, it is a political identity.
His past performance shows his strong hold. In 2016, he secured a comfortable win in a multi-cornered contest, and in 2021, he won by a massive margin of over 93,000 votes.

Such margins are rare in Tamil Nadu’s highly competitive political landscape.

However, 2026 is very different from 2021. The political environment has changed significantly. AIADMK is internally fractured, DMK under M K Stalin is more stable, anti-incumbency sentiment is stronger, and opposition votes are increasingly split due to new entrants.

Even EPS’s development work, such as roads, bridges and irrigation projects, is now being weighed against long-standing rural demands.

Water politics and local issues shaping Edappadi’s vote base

One of the most important issues in Edappadi is water management. As an agricultural region dependent on the Cauvery basin system, voters remain deeply concerned about irrigation efficiency and water distribution.

The Mettur Surplus Water Scheme, originally launched during EPS’s earlier tenure, continues to be a key reference point in campaign discussions. Its aim of diverting surplus floodwater into lakes and tanks across the Salem region remains central to local expectations.

However, opposition parties claim that progress has slowed under the current DMK government, while EPS continues to highlight it as part of his development record.

Another major pending demand is the Cauvery bridge project linking Poolampatti (Salem) and Nerinjipettai (Erode), which could significantly reduce travel distance and improve regional connectivity.

In constituencies like Edappadi, such local issues often matter more than broader state-level political narratives.

OPS and Bodinayakanur: Legacy politics under pressure

If EPS represents strong organisational control within AIADMK, O Panneerselvam (OPS) represents a more uncertain political path under pressure.

After moving from AIADMK to DMK, OPS is facing a tough three-way contest in Bodinayakanur involving AIADMK rival VT Narayanasamy and TVK candidate S Prakash.

This constituency is not just politically important but also symbolic, as it is where J Jayalalithaa (“Amma”) made her Assembly debut in 1989. That legacy still strongly influences voter sentiment.

OPS has won this seat in both 2016 and 2021. However, this time the margins are likely to be tighter.

OPS’s political journey has taken a sharp turn. Once a trusted loyalist of Jayalalithaa and even Deputy Chief Minister in the EPS-led government, he is now aligned with the DMK.

OPS has had a long political career in Tamil Nadu. He joined AIADMK in 1973 and was considered one of Jayalalithaa’s most loyal supporters. He served as Chief Minister three times, first when Jayalalithaa was forced to resign due to court cases, and again after her death in 2016. However, his third term was short-lived, as the party chose EPS as Chief Minister.

After that, OPS continued in senior roles, including Deputy Chief Minister from 2017 to 2021 and joint coordinator of the party until 2022. Over time, internal splits weakened his position, and by 2026, his political path had shifted, with him joining the DMK.

Sasikala’s comeback attempt: Can “Amma” nostalgia still work?

V K Sasikala, once the closest aide of Jayalalithaa, is attempting a comeback through her party, the All India Puratchi Thalaivar Makkal Munnetra Kazhagam.

Her campaign is largely built around reviving emotional support linked to the “Amma” era. However, Tamil Nadu politics has evolved significantly. Jayalalithaa’s leadership was highly centralised, emotionally direct, strongly welfare-oriented and tightly organised. Sasikala, despite her proximity to Jayalalithaa, was never the public face of governance, and that remains her biggest political challenge.

Caste dynamics still shape Tamil Nadu elections

Beyond leaders and parties, caste continues to play a major role in Tamil Nadu politics.

Vanniyars dominate the northern region, Gounders have strong influence in western Tamil Nadu (Salem, Erode, Coimbatore), Thevars remain powerful in the southern districts, and Dalits and Nadars play decisive roles in several constituencies.

TTV Dhinakaran and AMMK: The impact of vote splitting

T T V Dhinakaran emerged after the AIADMK split following Jayalalithaa’s death and later formed the Amma Makkal Munnetra Kazhagam (AMMK).

In previous elections, AMMK played a major spoiler role by cutting into AIADMK’s traditional vote base. In 2021, it contested widely and secured over 2% of the vote share, but more importantly, it split votes in key constituencies.

This impact was most visible in southern and Thevar-dominated regions such as Kovilpatti, Usilampatti and Mannargudi, where even small vote shifts changed outcomes. Because of this, TTV Dhinakaran remains an important factor in AIADMK’s electoral calculations, especially in efforts to consolidate the Mukkulathor (Thevar) vote base.

Why AIADMK’s internal split still decides election outcomes

At the core of the issue is AIADMK’s continuing internal division. The presence of leaders like Sasikala, OPS and TTV Dhinakaran in separate camps has weakened traditional vote consolidation.

In 2021, AMMK’s vote share influenced results in several constituencies and indirectly benefited DMK and its allies.

For EPS, OPS, Sasikala and TTV Dhinakaran, this election is therefore not just about winning, but about political survival, relevance, and proving that they still matter in a post-Jayalalithaa Tamil Nadu.

Inputs from agencies



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