NEW DELHI: When the Census enumerator asks a Muslim weaver to state their caste, the answer could be Julaha, Ansari or Momin. Elsewhere, the same community may have another name.Caste is being recorded for the first time since 1931 in Census 2027, but the open-ended format poses a unique challenge for Muslim biradaris, where caste, occupation, surname and social identity overlap. Unlike SC/ST respondents mapped against standardised categories, OBC and General respondents will enter their caste in an open field.In UP, the official OBC list includes all these names for the weaving community: “Momin (Ansar, Ansari), Julah” and “Julaha-Momin, Julaha-Ansari, Momin-Ansari”, with many adopting “Arabised” surnames like Ansari to escape occupational stigma.The issue has surfaced repeatedly in courts. In Safiullah Jamaluddin (2008), the Gujarat HC ruled on admission eligibility over discrepancies between “Musalman-Julaha” and recognised OBC nomenclatures. In Nasreen Bano (2018), the Central Administrative Tribunal, New Delhi, dealt with recruitment over the cross-border validity of an OBC certificate linked to Momin/Julaha/Ansari caste. In Naziya Banu (2022), the Bombay HC disqualified an elected representative using a Muslim Julaha/Momin Ansari certificate because her ancestral roots were in UP, holding migrant OBC status non-transferable for reserved local elections.Similarly among meat-traders, Qureshis, Kasabs, Kasais and Chikwas may be recorded as Khatik regionally; while Hindu Khatiks are SC in several northern states, Muslim meat-traders fall under OBC. In Asefabegaum Kadeer Qureshi v State of Maharashtra (2014), the Bombay HC dealt with whether a “Khatik” entry matches the “Kasab” OBC category.Atif Rasheed, former NCM (National Commission for Minorities) vice-chairman, national executive member of the BJP OBC Morcha and president of Rashtrawadi Muslim Pasmanda Mahaz, said: “Julahas have become Ansaris… Lohar and Badhi have become Saifi.” Meat-trading communities use Qureshi in UP and Delhi, but Khatig in Gujarat and Maharashtra. “My suggestion is that we should be remembered by our original names. Those old names should be reclaimed.”Rasheed emphasized that accurate data is necessary: “The data should come out in the open, whether it is on unemployment, jobs or representation. Pasmanda Muslims have remained backward. Claims are they constitute 80-85% of Muslims but not currently supported by data…. At least the reality will emerge.”Sociologist Dr Khalid Anis Ansari of Azim Premji University said Indian Muslims encompass hundreds of OBC, Dalit Muslim and Adivasi communities, where caste, biradari, occupation and social status overlap. Stratified into Ashraf, Ajlaf and Arzal layers, “caste” itself remains ambiguous.“Open entries cause mistakes. The entire data becomes too large and unmanageable,” Ansari said, pointing to the 2011 SECC (Socio-Economic and Caste Census), which recorded over 46 lakh caste names against 4,147 in 1931, recommending standardised categories with an “Others” option.Furthermore, Muslim OBC communities appear differently on state and Centre lists. Lakshadweep Muslims are classified as ST, while Van Gujjars vary across states.Talking of micro-communities that could disappear into broad categories, Ansari points to fluid Jogi and Fakir communities in eastern UP: “Jogi and Fakir are both occupational and community identities,” he said. Jogis may wear saffron, sing bhajans and perform namaz back at home, while Fakirs wear green and sing Islamic devotional songs. “Julahas, for example, are Hindus, Christians and Muslims. They cannot be tied down to one religion,” Ansari said.Dalit Muslims present another complication. The Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order, 1950, restricts SC status to Hindus, Sikhs and Buddhists, leaving Dalit Muslims within OBC classifications.A Supreme Court PIL in February 2026 seeks 10% OBC reservation for Pasmanda Muslims, while home minister Amit Shah has already rejected religion-based reservation as unconstitutional.Meanwhile, Pasmanda politics has gained momentum. The BJP has intensified Pasmanda outreach ahead of the 2027 UP elections, giving local leaders prominent organisational roles in UP and focusing on weaver clusters and welfare delivery, while Maharashtra govt has constituted a committee to study the community’s socio-economic status, headed by BJP minority morcha state president.
